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When the UN Security Council voted Wednesday, March 11, condemning Iran’s missile and drone strikes across the Gulf, the resolution hinged on Chapter VII, Article 51 of the UN Charter.

The text of Resolution 2817 condemns Iran's "egregious attacks" on Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan, and reaffirms those states’ “inherent right of individual or collective self-defense.”

As the U.S.-Israel war against Iran spreads across the Gulf, Article 51 is becoming the central legal framework through which governments are interpreting the conflict.

It's also being tested and invoked more frequently than at any time in decades.

So what exactly does Article 51 say?

Restraining Aggression

Article 2(4) of the UN Charter requires states to refrain from “the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state” – with two explicit exceptions.

The first is when Member States of the Security Council authorize force under Chapter VII.

The second is when one or more Member States claim self-defense under Article 51, which states:

“Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations…”

An Increasingly Common Claim

In recent years, governments have invoked Article 51 a lot.

In fact, in an official communication to the Security Council, Mexico's diplomatic mission noted that the provision has been cited at least 78 times since 2021 – a sharp increase compared with earlier decades.

Several recent examples illustrate just how broadly the doctrine is being used.

In June 2025, the U.S. launched strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities during Operation Midnight Hammer. In a formal Article 51 letter to the Security Council, Washington argued the attacks were “necessary and proportionate” measures to defend Israel and U.S. security after diplomatic efforts failed.

Days earlier, Israel carried out its own strikes inside Iran. A communiqué from the Israeli Foreign Minister described the operation as necessary to thwart “imminent Iranian attacks,” language understood as invoking anticipatory self-defense, though they did expressly mention Article 51.

Even operations far from traditional battlefields have been justified in this way. A recent U.S. strike against a vessel allegedly involved in drug trafficking in the Caribbean was defended in a war powers report as self-defense against threats emanating from states “unable or unwilling” to address them.

Necessity and Proportionality

Two conditions must be met for a use of force to be permissible under Article 51: Necessity — force must be required to repel or prevent an armed attack. Proportionality — the response must be limited to what is necessary to address the threat. These principles were reinforced by the International Court of Justice in cases such as Nicaragua v. United States and Oil Platforms (Iran v. United States). Together, they serve as the legal yardstick for determining whether military action qualifies as legitimate self-defense or unlawful aggression.

The Debate Over “Imminent” Attacks

Disagreements frequently arise over when the right of self-defense actually begins.

Many countries argue the Charter is clear. Self-defense applies only after an armed attack has occurred.

That interpretation is widely supported by countries in the Global South and was reaffirmed at the 2024 summit of the Non-Aligned Movement. (Founded in 1961, NAM is a forum of 120 nations not formally aligned with or against any major global power).

The U.S. and several allies take a broader view, arguing that states can act when an attack is imminent, allowing military force to prevent a strike before it happens.

The “Unwilling or Unable” Doctrine

The most controversial extension of Article 51 involves attacks on non-state actors operating inside another country’s territory. Under this “unwilling or unable” doctrine, a state may use force in another country if that government cannot or will not prevent attacks originating there.

The U.S. leaned on this reasoning during the international campaign against ISIS in Syria, beginning in 2014.

Many governments, however, reject the doctrine entirely.

A UN debate on Article 51 convened by Mexico in 2021 brought this debate to a head. Some countries, like Australia, supported the doctrine broadly. Others proposed narrower conditions requiring evidence the host state was harboring or supporting the armed group. China and Mexico went further, arguing the doctrine has no basis in the Charter at all.

Reporting Requirements

Importantly, states invoking self-defense are required to immediately report their actions to the Security Council.

These reports – usually in the form of letters to the Council president – are meant to allow other governments to evaluate claims of self-defense and determine whether the Council should intervene.

In practice, the system is inconsistent.

During the international campaign against ISIS, the U.S. submitted a detailed legal explanation invoking the “unwilling or unable” doctrine.

Then there are cases when states invoke self-defense without submitting reports at all.

Russia, for example, cited Article 51 when it launched its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, attaching only a speech by President Vladimir Putin as justification. India described a cross-border operation in Pakistan as self-defense, but never formally notify the Council.

The Future of the Rule Against War

Against that backdrop, the Council’s latest resolution carries both legal and political weight. By invoking Article 51, the Security Council signaled that Iranian strikes against Gulf states qualify as armed attacks under international law – triggering those countries’ right to respond in self-defense. But the vote also exposed deep divisions.

Russia and China abstained, arguing the resolution ignored the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran that preceded Tehran’s retaliation. Their criticism points to a familiar problem in modern conflict: deciding who threw the first punch, and thus whether the response is self-defense or aggression.

As governments invoke Article 51 more often and interpret it more broadly, many worry the rule against the use of force is under strain. Yet without it, states would have no legal framework to defend themselves.

For now, those two sentences in the Charter remain central to the international security system.

[post_title] => UN, Explained: Understanding Article 51 and the Security Council Vote Against Iran [post_excerpt] => Article 51 of the UN Charter allows states to use force in self-defense. But as it’s invoked more frequently in modern war, its limits are being tested. Here’s what to know about this pivotal provision. [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => closed [ping_status] => closed [post_password] => [post_name] => un-explained-understanding-article-51-and-the-condemnation-of-iran [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2026-03-13 15:55:44 [post_modified_gmt] => 2026-03-13 15:55:44 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => https://betterworldcampaign.org/?p=17146 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw ) [1] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 17103 [post_author] => 5 [post_date] => 2026-03-08 10:53:49 [post_date_gmt] => 2026-03-08 10:53:49 [post_content] => United Nations humanitarian agencies are warning that escalating violence across the Middle East is triggering new waves of displacement, straining aid systems and threatening to destabilize an already fragile region.   “This is a moment of grave peril right now,” said Tom Fletcher, UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator and head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). “We’re seeing these crises escalate rapidly with consequences that are out of control.” He spoke on March 6, just one week after the U.S. and Israel began operations against Iran, which have since spread across the region.    UN Secretary-General António Guterres issued a similar warning later in the day, cautioning that the situation could quickly spiral.   “All the unlawful attacks in the Middle East and beyond are causing tremendous suffering and harm to civilians throughout the region,” Guterres said. “The situation could spiral beyond anyone’s control. It is time to stop the fighting and get to serious diplomatic negotiations.”  
“The situation could spiral beyond anyone’s control. It is time to stop the fighting and get to serious diplomatic negotiations.”  
António Guterres
Across the region, UN agencies, including the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), the World Food Programme (WFP), the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) are mobilizing emergency responses as displacement rises and humanitarian needs grow.   UN agencies are providing regular situation reports to the public. Data below is compiled from WFP (Emergency Response Situation Report, March 8), UNHCR (Emergency Flash Update, March 5) and OCHA (Syria Humanitarian Response, March 4). Many countries affected are not represented herein due to a lack of information. This resource is current as of Sunday, March 8.   

Iran: Internal Displacement Rising  

Iran, which already hosts more than 1.65 million refugees and people in need of international protection, is now experiencing significant internal displacement as the conflict escalates.   According to the Government of Iran and UNHCR, roughly 100,000 people have left Tehran since the start of the conflict, many moving toward rural areas. Humanitarian officials caution that the real number of people on the move may be considerably higher as families leave major cities amid rising insecurity.   Authorities have reported more than 1,000 deaths and damage to over 100 civilian sites, while UN agencies estimate that around 100,000 people have been newly displaced within the past week.   Despite the deteriorating security environment, UNHCR offices across Iran remain operational, though access in some locations has been limited due to explosions, heightened security checkpoints and movement restrictions affecting staff. In some cases, personnel have shifted temporarily to remote work arrangements to maintain core protection services.   Refugees continue to seek assistance. UNHCR reports that helplines are overwhelmed with calls, primarily from refugees who say they have lost their livelihoods and are seeking emergency financial support. Others are requesting resettlement abroad, which many see as their only immediate protection option. UNHCR continues to provide counselling and protection services to refugees, including assistance for children, survivors of gender-based violence and other vulnerable individuals.   For now, large-scale cross-border refugee flows out of Iran have not materialized. Border crossings between Iran and Iraq remain open but operate under restrictions, generally allowing Iraqi nationals to enter Iraq and Iranian nationals to return to Iran. UNHCR teams are maintaining contingency plans in case the conflict triggers larger population movements.   Meanwhile, WFP continues providing assistance to approximately 33,000 refugees in Iran, including Afghan refugees living in settlements across the country.   Of the 20 refugee settlements supported by WFP, eight host WFP-supported bakeries producing around 25,000 loaves of bread each day, supplying roughly 75 percent of the refugee population. In smaller settlements hosting about 8,300 people, WFP distributes wheat flour and supports home-based bread baking.   Current wheat flour stocks are sufficient to sustain food assistance through the end of April, according to WFP.  

Lebanon: Shelters Filling

Lebanon is facing one of the most immediate humanitarian pressures in the region.   Following evacuation orders and ongoing airstrikes, more than 102,000 people have been displaced across the country. Government authorities report that 484 shelters are now operating, with 431 at maximum capacity  Even before the latest escalation, Lebanon’s humanitarian situation was already dire. WFP estimates that 874,000 people in the country lack reliable access to food.   Humanitarian agencies are rapidly scaling up assistance. UNHCR and its partners have distributed emergency relief items, including blankets, mattresses and other essential supplies, to more than 6,000 displaced people across 26 shelters.   At the same time, WFP has delivered food assistance to about 40,300 displaced people across 159 shelters, providing hot meals, ready-to-eat rations and bread.   In coordination with Lebanon’s Ministry of Social Affairs, WFP has also launched emergency cash transfers reaching roughly 183,200 people, using the country’s shock-responsive social safety net to support families displaced by the violence.   Additional food stocks have been mobilized through WFP’s emergency preparedness system. About 404 metric tons of ready-to-eat food supplies were dispatched from Türkiye to support the response.   The conflict is also disrupting support for children. Nationwide school closures have forced the suspension of WFP’s school meals program, interrupting a key source of nutrition for vulnerable students.   Protection concerns are growing as shelters fill to capacity and host communities already under strain struggle to absorb new arrivals. Refugees and migrants face particular difficulties accessing safe accommodation and humanitarian monitors report rising tensions in some areas.   Some refugees have begun expressing interest in returning to Syria despite ongoing risks – an indication of the mounting pressure inside Lebanon.  
“Civilians must be protected – full stop.”
Tom Fletcher

Families Crossing Back into Syria  

As conditions worsen in Lebanon, increasing numbers of people are crossing the border into Syria.   Syrian authorities report that more than 67,000 Syrian families and over 6,000 Lebanese nationals have crossed from Lebanon into Syria in recent days, primarily through the Masnaa and Jousieh border crossings.   Many families are arriving with whatever belongings they can carry, many in trucks loaded with household goods and others with little more than the clothes they are wearing.   UNHCR teams are present at the Jdeidet Yabous and Joussieh crossings to monitor arrivals, assess protection needs and coordinate assistance with Syrian authorities and humanitarian partners.   Emergency aid is being provided to vulnerable families. WFP has also distributed more than 17,000 emergency food bars to people crossing the border.  

Gaza: Aid Access Still Severely Restricted  

Humanitarian operations in Gaza remain under severe strain. Although the Kerem Shalom crossing has reopened, other crossings, including Rafah, remain closed, limiting the flow of humanitarian goods.   Fuel deliveries remain critically low. Aid agencies have been able to bring in less than one million liters of fuel this week, far below the two million liters required to maintain essential services.   According to WFP, bakeries currently have fuel reserves to operate for roughly two weeks. If humanitarian access does not improve, the agency warns it may have to cut food rations to just 25 percent of daily nutritional requirements for approximately 1.3 million people.   Food insecurity is already worsening. In Gaza’s markets, flour prices reportedly rose by 270 percent in just two days as households began stockpiling food amid uncertainty.  

Funding Gaps Threaten the Response  

Even as humanitarian needs surge, UN agencies warn that funding shortages threaten their ability to respond. UNHCR operations across the region remain severely underfunded, including:  
  • Lebanon: 14% funded against a $472 million appeal  
  • Iraq: 28% funded against a $61 million requirement  
  • Syria: 28% funded against a $324 million appeal  
  • Türkiye and Armenia: roughly 42% funded  
Without additional resources, humanitarian officials warn that the region could face a “crisis within a crisis” if displacement accelerates.   At the same time, Fletcher warned that escalating violence risks diverting attention from other humanitarian emergencies – from Sudan and South Sudan to Ukraine and the Democratic Republic of Congo.   For now, UN agencies across the region – including OCHA, UNHCR, WFP, UNICEF and IOM – are working to maintain assistance for civilians caught in the conflict while preparing for the possibility that the crisis could expand further.  
“What we need is de-escalation, an immediate cessation of hostilities and genuine dialogue and negotiations.”  
Tom Fletcher
[post_title] => Humanitarian Update: “Grave Peril” as Crisis Expands Across the Middle East [post_excerpt] => As violence spreads across the Middle East, humanitarian needs are surging. Read the latest UN update on the situation in Iran, Lebanon and beyond. [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => closed [ping_status] => closed [post_password] => [post_name] => humanitarian-update-grave-peril-as-crisis-expands-across-the-middle-east [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2026-03-09 23:30:41 [post_modified_gmt] => 2026-03-09 23:30:41 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => https://betterworldcampaign.org/?p=17103 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw ) [2] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 17022 [post_author] => 5 [post_date] => 2026-03-06 21:17:36 [post_date_gmt] => 2026-03-06 21:17:36 [post_content] =>

As tensions rise following U.S. and Israeli strikes across the Middle East, attention has shifted to a narrow stretch of water most Americans rarely think about: the Strait of Hormuz. With gas prices climbing and shipping disrupted, the corridor has become the center of a high-stakes geopolitical and legal question.

Can Iran legally close it?

And perhaps more puzzling, how does a country even close a body of water?

What Is the Strait of Hormuz? 

The Strait of Hormuz is a slim maritime corridor between Iran to the north and Oman and the United Arab Emirates to the south. It connects the Persian Gulf to the Arabian Sea and, in practical terms, to global markets.  At its narrowest point, the strait is just 21 nautical miles wide. That means every tanker passing through must travel within the territorial waters of either Iran or Oman. There is no alternate sea route.  Roughly 20 million barrels of oil flow through the strait each day. That's equivalent to just under Americans' daily usage and accounts for about one-fifth of global supply. Around 20 percent of the world’s liquefied natural gas also moves through Hormuz. In 2025 alone, the energy trade passing through the corridor was valued at roughly $600 billion annually, with nearly 3,000 ships transiting each month.  In short: if Hormuz is disrupted, the global energy market feels it almost immediately – and so do American consumers. 

Why the UN Is Involved 

The crisis isn’t just about naval deployments or military threats. It’s about international law, specifically the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 

Adopted in 1982 after nearly a decade of negotiations, UNCLOS sets the ground rules for how countries use the world’s oceans. It defines territorial seas extending 12 nautical miles from a country’s coastline creates exclusive economic zones and establishes the legal framework for navigation through international waterways.

[caption id="attachment_17066" align="alignright" width="450"]Six Days War On June 5, 1967, Israel launched preemptive strikes on Egyptian forces in the Sinai, capturing Gaza and the Sinai up to the Suez Canal; photo credit Israeli Defense Forces[/caption] That last piece matters enormously when it comes to maritime chokepoints. There are roughly 110 straits worldwide, including some of the busiest shipping corridors on the planet: the Strait of Malacca in Southeast Asia, the Bab el-Mandeb linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the Taiwan Strait. History shows how sensitive these passages can be. The closure of the Strait of Tiran by Egypt in 1967, for instance, helped trigger the Six-Day War. The Strait of Hormuz is one of the most critical. Because the channel lies within the territorial waters of Iran and Oman, UNCLOS created a special legal regime for straits like it known as “transit passage.” Under this rule, ships have the right to move continuously and quickly through straits used for international navigation, even when those waters technically fall within a country’s territorial sea. The treaty is explicit on the point. Article 44 states that countries bordering such straits “shall not hamper transit passage,” and the right cannot be suspended. In other words, the legal architecture of the oceans says these corridors must remain open. The politics, however, are more complicated. Oman has ratified UNCLOS. Iran signed the treaty but never ratified it. The United States hasn’t ratified it either, though Washington treats most of its navigational provisions as binding customary international law and regularly enforces them through Freedom of Navigation operations. Despite those differences, the core principle that major international straits must remain open has broad global acceptance. In fact, it’s an especially consequential achievement of the post-World War II legal order: a UN-negotiated framework designed to ensure that the world’s maritime highways remain open for commerce and transit.
“States bordering straits shall not hamper transit passage and shall give appropriate publicity to any danger to navigation or overflight within or over the strait of which they have knowledge. There shall be no suspension of transit passage.”
UNCLOS, Article 44

Can Iran Legally Close the Strait? 

Which brings us back to the $600-billion question: can Iran legally close the strait to retaliate against adversaries?  No.  Even before UNCLOS existed, the 1958 Geneva Convention on the Territorial Sea – which Iran did ratify – recognized that straits used for international navigation could not be arbitrarily closed. Under that earlier system, foreign ships enjoyed what is known as “non-suspendable innocent passage.”  UNCLOS later strengthened those protections through the transit passage regime.  Strait of HormuzThe bottom line is straightforward: under either legal framework, a blanket closure of the Strait of Hormuz to international shipping would be extraordinarily difficult to justify under international law.  That said, coastal states do retain certain rights. They can regulate navigation for safety and may act against vessels engaged in hostile activities. But those powers are limited to specific conduct during transit – they do not extend to broader geopolitical disputes or retaliation for military strikes.  (Further, if Iran were to obstruct passage by military means, it would raise serious legal concerns under the UN Charter, which prohibits the unlawful use of force.)

How Do You Close a Body of Water? 

All of this raises an obvious question: how does a country actually close a waterway?

Unlike a canal, it goes without saying that the open ocean can't simply be shut. In practice, closing a strait means making passage so dangerous or economically risky that commercial shipping stops moving through.

There are several ways to achieve that.

Mines. One of the most effective methods (also the most self-sabotaging and damaging in the long-run) is seeding shipping lanes with underwater mines. Submarines or fast-attack boats can deploy them quietly, turning major trade routes into a high-stakes gamble.  Missiles and drones. Coastal missile batteries or drone attacks can threaten passing vessels. Even occasional strikes can rattle the shipping industry. You don't have to hit every ship – only enough to demonstrate the threat is real.  Harassment and seizures. Another tactic is harassment by swarms of small fast boats that board, detain or seize tankers. Iran used similar tactics during the Tanker War of the 1980s, and incidents have resurfaced periodically in recent years.  Insurance upheaval. The most powerful lever may not involve weapons at all. If insurers determine a waterway has become too dangerous, they may refuse to cover ships traveling through it. Without insurance, vessels cannot secure financing, cargo or crews. At that point, the waterway may not be physically blocked, but traffic collapses anyway.  In other words, straits like Hormuz are rarely actually closed, but rather economically closed, when risk, markets and fear accomplish what navies might otherwise attempt. 

What Can the Global Community Do? 

The UN doesn't have a standing navy capable of reopening a blocked strait. What it does provide and which the U.S. played a central role in building, is a legal and diplomatic framework designed to keep maritime crises from spiraling into global economic shocks.

Through the Security Council, governments can convene emergency sessions, clarify legal obligations and in extraordinary circumstances, call for collective action. Meanwhile, UNCLOS establishes widely recognized rules for navigation that help stabilize expectations during moments of tension, reassuring markets and limiting the ripple effects of geopolitical crises.

For Washington, that matters.

Because when strategic chokepoints are threatened, clear legal rules and established diplomatic forums help contain risk and provide a foundation for global stability. And when the waters get especially rough, they provide a place to steady the ship.

[post_title] => Can Iran Close the Strait of Hormuz? (And How Exactly Do You Close the Sea?) [post_excerpt] => As tensions rise in the Middle East, the Strait of Hormuz has become the focus of a critical question: can Iran close international waters? The UN's Law of the Sea weighs in. [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => closed [ping_status] => closed [post_password] => [post_name] => what-the-un-law-of-the-sea-says-about-iran-closing-the-strait-of-hormuz [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2026-03-07 11:48:19 [post_modified_gmt] => 2026-03-07 11:48:19 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => https://betterworldcampaign.org/?p=17022 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw ) [3] => WP_Post Object ( [ID] => 16988 [post_author] => 5 [post_date] => 2026-03-03 13:28:03 [post_date_gmt] => 2026-03-03 13:28:03 [post_content] => As military strikes ripple across Iran and the wider Middle East, a dangerous question hangs in the air: what happens if a nuclear facility is caught in the crossfire?  So far, the world’s nuclear watchdog says the region has avoided the worst-case scenario. Radiation monitoring systems have detected “no elevation of radiation levels above the usual background levels” in countries bordering Iran, according to Rafael Grossi, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency. 
Radiation monitoring systems have detected “no elevation of radiation levels above the usual background levels” in countries bordering Iran.
Just as important, Grossi told the IAEA Board of Governors in Vienna on Monday, March 2, inspectors currently have “no indication that any of the nuclear installations… have been damaged or hit.”  But the margin for error is thin.  Even without confirmed damage to nuclear infrastructure, Grossi warned that the risks posed by an expanding regional conflict are serious. Military strikes near nuclear facilities, he cautioned, could quickly escalate into something far more dangerous.  “The situation today is very concerning,” Grossi added, warning that a radiological release with serious consequences cannot be ruled out if the conflict spreads or critical infrastructure is damaged. 

Monitoring the Situation 

The Agency’s Incident and Emergency Centre has been activated and is now operating continuously, collecting real-time data and coordinating with regional safety networks as the conflict unfolds.  While satellite imagery shows activity around several Iranian nuclear sites, Grossi emphasized that nothing observed so far resembles previous confirmed attacks on nuclear facilities in the region.  At the same time, the IAEA has not yet been able to fully restore routine technical communications with Iran’s nuclear regulatory authorities through its emergency channels. Diplomatic contacts remain intact, but the regular exchange of safety data has been disrupted. The Agency says it continues working to restore those technical lines. 
The IAEA has not yet been able to fully restore routine technical communications with Iran’s nuclear regulatory authorities through its emergency channels. 

Diplomacy: "Hard, Never Impossible" 

Even as the military situation evolves, Grossi stressed that diplomacy remains the only durable solution to the nuclear dispute surrounding Iran’s program.  “The lasting solution to this long-existing discord lies on the diplomatic table,” he said. “Diplomacy is hard, but it is never impossible. Nuclear diplomacy is even harder, but it is never impossible.”  In a press conference following Monday’s Board meeting, Grossi noted that he recently participated in consultations aimed at resolving tensions around Iran’s nuclear program, providing IAEA’s technical expertise to negotiators. Although those talks did not produce an agreement, the Agency stands ready to support future diplomatic efforts whenever they resume.  “It is not a matter of if, but of when we will again gather at that diplomatic table,” Grossi added. 
“It is not a matter of if, but of when we will again gather at that diplomatic table."

Uncertainty Around Iran’s Nuclear Program 

Separately, an IAEA report released days before the meeting highlighted continuing uncertainty about Iran’s nuclear activities following the 12-day war between Iran and Israel in June 2025. Because inspectors have not been granted access to several facilities, the agency says it “cannot provide any information on the current size, composition or whereabouts of the stockpile of enriched uranium in Iran,” warning that the “loss of continuity of knowledge… needs to be addressed with the utmost urgency.”

The IAEA says it “cannot provide any information on the current size, composition or whereabouts of the stockpile of enriched uranium in Iran.” 

Under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), Iran is obligated to cooperate with inspectors, though Tehran curtailed cooperation following the war.

According to IAEA reports, Iran operates four declared enrichment facilities and currently possesses about 972 pounds of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity, close to weapons-grade levels at 90 percent. Grossi warned that, if further enriched, the stockpile could theoretically provide enough fissile material for as many as ten nuclear weapons, though he stressed that does not mean Iran currently possesses a bomb.

With access limited, the IAEA has increasingly relied on satellite imagery. Recent images of the Isfahan nuclear complex just over 200 miles southeast of Tehran show “regular vehicular activity” near a tunnel system believed to store enriched uranium.

The report notes that Iran did allow inspectors to visit several unaffected facilities at least once since June 2025, with the exception of a power plant under construction at Karun. 

Regional Nuclear Infrastructure 

The broader regional context also raises the stakes.  The Middle East now includes several countries with nuclear power or research capabilities. The United Arab Emirates operates four nuclear reactors, while Jordan and Syria maintain research reactors. Israel, not a party to the NPT, is widely believed to possess over 90 nuclear warheads, though the country neither acknowledges nor denies the existence of an arsenal. Other states in the region use nuclear materials for medical, industrial and research purposes.  In this environment, longstanding IAEA resolutions warning against attacks on nuclear facilities carry renewed relevance. Damage to reactors, enrichment plants or storage sites could produce cross-border radiological consequences. 

IAEA’s Technical Role 

It is critical to underscore that the IAEA’s role is technical, not political.  Decisions about military action are made by governments based on their own intelligence and national security assessments. The IAEA’s mandate is to verify nuclear material, monitor safeguards compliance and assess nuclear safety risks. 
The IAEA’s role is technical, not political... to verify nuclear material, monitor safeguards compliance and assess nuclear safety risks. 

What Comes Next 

The IAEA, Grossi said, will remain on alert. The Agency will “continue to monitor the situation” and stands ready to support governments if nuclear safety or security is threatened.  “What I can assure you,” he said, “is that the IAEA is there – keeping the international community informed and ready to react immediately if a breach in nuclear safety occurs.” 
Update on March 4: Since the publication of this article on March 3, the IAEA confirmed the Natanz nuclear enrichment facility, located outside of Qom, Iran, suffered “some damage” at entrance buildings to the underground fuel enrichment plant. A statement issued on Wednesday, March 4, stressed that, “No radiological consequence expected and no additional impact detected at FEP itself.” The Natanz facility was among the sites severely damaged during the 12-day war between Iran and Israel in 2025.
Photo: Rafael Mariano Grossi, IAEA Director General, delivers opening remarks at the 1795th Board of Governors meeting in Vienna on March 2, 2026; credit to Dean Calma, IAEA
[post_title] => UN Nuclear Agency Warns of Risks as Fighting Escalates in Iran  [post_excerpt] => IAEA Director-General Rafael Grossi is warning that the escalating conflict in Iran raises the risk of a dangerous nuclear incident. [post_status] => publish [comment_status] => closed [ping_status] => closed [post_password] => [post_name] => un-nuclear-watchdog-warns-of-risks-as-fighting-escalates-in-iran [to_ping] => [pinged] => [post_modified] => 2026-03-04 14:43:50 [post_modified_gmt] => 2026-03-04 14:43:50 [post_content_filtered] => [post_parent] => 0 [guid] => https://betterworldcampaign.org/?p=16988 [menu_order] => 0 [post_type] => post [post_mime_type] => [comment_count] => 0 [filter] => raw ) )



    
Article 51 of the UN Charter allows states to use force in self-defense. But as it’s invoked more frequently in modern war, its limits are being tested. Here’s what to know about this pivotal provision.
As violence spreads across the Middle East, humanitarian needs are surging. Read the latest UN update on the situation in Iran, Lebanon and beyond.
As tensions rise in the Middle East, the Strait of Hormuz has become the focus of a critical question: can Iran close international waters? The UN's Law of the Sea weighs in.
IAEA Director-General Rafael Grossi is warning that the escalating conflict in Iran raises the risk of a dangerous nuclear incident.

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